pH8^ 



The Abolition Cause eventually triumphant. 



E 449 
.R78 
Copy 1 



SERMON, 



DELIVERED BEFORE 



THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY 



HAVERHILL, MASS 



AUG. 1 836. 



BY REV. DAVID ROOT, 

DOVER, N. H. 



. ANDOVER: 

PRINTED BY GOULD AND NEWMAN. 
1836. 



Haverhill, lOtli 8lh mo. 1836. 
At a special meeting of iLe Haverhill Anti-Slavery Society, held on 
the 2nd inst., after the Address of Rev. David Root, on motion of Hon. 
G. Parker, it was "Resolved, Tiiat a committee he ajjpointed to request 
of Rev. D. Root a copy of his able and eloquent Address for publica- 
tion ;" and Gilinan Parker, John G. Whittier, and E. Hale, Jr. were ap- 
pointed said committee. 

J. G. WHITTIER, Secretary. 

Rev. D. Root, 

In conformity with the above vote, as well as the dictates of our 
feelings, the undersigned respectfully request for publication a copy of 
your Address delivered in this town on the 2nd inst. 

G. PARKER, 

JOHN G. WHITTIER, } Committee. 

E. HALE, Jr. 



Dover, N. H. Aug. 24, 1836. 
To G. Parker, and others. Committee, 

Gentlemen, — In answer to your note requesting a copy of the dis- 
course recently delivered in Haverhill, for publication, I have only to 
say, that to be instrumental, in any degree, of advancing the cause of 
human rights, gives ine unfeigned pleasure. If you think the pid)lica- 
tion of the discourse in question caicidated to promote the great work 
of emancipation, it is at your disposal. 

DAVID ROOT. 



SERMON. 



Jeremiah 50: 33, 34. 

" Thus saith the Lord of host?, the children of Israel and the children 
of Judah were oppressed together; and all that took them ca[)tives held 
them fast; they refused to let them go. Their Redeemer is strong; the 
Lord of hosts is his name, he shall thoroughly plead their cause, that 
he may give rest to the land." 

Malachi 3: 5. 

"And I will come near to you to Judgment, and I will he a swift 
witness against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow 
and the fatherless, and that turn aside the stranger from his right, and 
fear not me, saith the Lord." 

Revelation 18: 11, etc. 

"And the merchants of the earth shall Aveep and mourn over her; 
for no man buyeth her merchandize any more ; — the merchandize of 
beasts and sheep and horses and chariots and slaves and souls of men." 

The protninent thought presented in the above passages is, 
that with whatever tenacity oppressors may hold the victims of 
their oppression, the time is at hand when slavery shall be wholly 
and forever abolished. 

That they do hold them with great tenacity is manifest. In 
the language of the prophet, "They hold their captives fast, and 
refuse to let them go." It is wonderful to observe to what 
shifts, contradictions, and threats, slaveholders resort to retain 
possession of their fellow men. All that the prophets have said 
in the foregoing passages touching this point, is now verified in 
this land. 

Not long since it was pleaded in justification of slavery, that 
though an evil, a great evil, it could not be remedied. But since 
philanthropists have shown to demonstration, the duty, practica- 
bility and safety of immediate emancipation, tiie plea is, that slave- 



ry is a "divine institution," justified by the word of God, the glory 
of our land, "the corner-stone of our republican edifice." 

Atone time, it is a most mild, consistent, and reasonable sys- 
tem ; and then anon it must not be discussed, lest the public mind 
should be shocked with its enormities. 

We are told that the slaves are contented and happy, faring a 
great deal better than northern laborers, and not wishing to leave 
their masters if they could. At the same time we see southern 
papers filled with advertisements of runawiiy slaves, offering great 
rewards for their apprehension. How strange it is that they 
should make such attempts, and hazard so much, to get away 
from contentment and happiness ! 

At one time, we hear that slave-holders would be glad to get 
rid of their slaves — that they are a burden to them. And then 
again they are fixed in their purpose never to yield this species 
of property. A burden, and yet they will not part with it. 

The slaves have great affection for their masters, it is said, so 
that they would not injure a hair of their heads. And yet these 
same masters are often in a state of alarm, and sleep with their 
pistols under their heads, for fear of surprise and insurrection. 

They have fortified their oppressions and fastened their vic- 
tims by the most severe and despotic laws ; and yet this very 
despotism is attempted to be disguised under the plausible name 
of "domestic relations." 

They threaten to blow up the union rather than relinquish 
their iron grasp upon their fellow men. And yet there is not pro- 
bably a considerate slave-holder south of Mason and Dixon's line, 
who would not feel himself in ten-fold jeopardy, if that union were 
dissolved, if he could not depend upon northern protection, 
northern arms and northern valor. They know, and we know, 
that the dissolution of the union would be a death blow to 
slavery. 

They chiiui to be accounted chivalrous, but is it chivalrous to 
oppress the ])oor and defenceless ? They profess to be candid 
and reasonable ; and yet the very mention of slavery sometimes 
throws ihem into the utmost phrcnzy ; and they would stop their 
cars, and gnash their teeth, ".nid like the bulls of Baslian, rush 



upon the man who should attempt in person to convince them of 
their inconsistency and sin. 

Such are some of the inconsistencies to which slave-holders 
and their abettors are driven, in consequence of their tenacity 
in holding fast the iniquitous system. Suffice it to say, there is 
not an argument used, nor an apology offered for slavery in this 
country, which might not, with equal propriety and force, be ap- 
plied by Algerines in defence of the abject vassalage to which 
they have reduced the Christian dogs whom they have captured ; 
not an argument used, nor an apology offered for American slave- 
ry, which might not have been employed by Pharaoh in defence 
of his tyraimy ; which might not be employed by the Autocrat 
of Russia, in defence of his unjust domination. Do Amer- 
ican slave-holders plead the constitution or the laws of the land, 
or the peculiar policy of the government ? so may the Dey of 
Algiers. So might have Pharaoh. So may Nicholas, for his sub- 
jugation of the Poles. Do American slave-holders talk of their 
" domestic relations" to cover up the vilest despotism, and to re- 
pel interference ? So may Algerine slave-holders. 

But the only right by which an American or an Algerine slave- 
holder retains his victim, is that of brute force ; no other right 
than force, brute force. The American slave-holder robs the 
colored man, because he has the power to do so, and is disposed 
to exercise it. The Algerine slave-holder robs the Christian up- 
on whom he has seized, because he has the power to do so, and is 
disposed to exercise it. In both these instances, as well as in 
that of Pharaoh, the declaration of the Prophet is verified: 
" They hold fast their captives ; they refuse to let them go." 
And we hazard the declaration, that there is no despot on earth, 
and never has been since the world was made, whose ri^ht to the 
exercise of oppression was not as good and as valid as that by 
which the American slave-holder retains the victims of his power. 
This declaration we challenge any man to invalidate. And yet 
the tenacity and hardihood with which he holds them, seems to 
be just In proportion to the injustice and unsoundness of his claim. 
" They hold them fast." 

It must not, liovvever, be understood by these remarks, that 



we cherish any hostile or unkind feelings toward our southern fel- 
low-citizens ; nor would we arrogate to ourselves any original su- 
perior excellence of moral character. Placed in their circum- 
stances, we might in like manner have yielded to the temptation, 
and acted a similar part. In point of original moral character, 
we claim no superiority. But this fact does not neutralize their 
wrong doing, nor exonerate us from the duty of bearing testimo- 
ny against it. 

And certain it is, that however unyielding may be the grasp 
of oppressors, " God will be a swift witness against them," " He 
will thoroughly plead the cause of the oppressed." We are as- 
sured indeed, that the time is at hand, when the merchandize of 
souls shall cease, " For no man buyeth their merchandize any 
more, the merchandize 'of slaves and souls of men.' " 

Then will slavery become extinct throughout this nation, and 
throughout the world. Then will follow the world's jubilee. O 
the delightful anticipations of that auspicious day, when man 
shall no longer enslave his fellow man, when the sacred birth- 
right of liberty, not in name, but in truth and in deed, shall be 
enjoyed by men of every race, and every complexion, and 
every character. 

Our main proposition then, as derived from the sacred pas- 
sages quoted, is, that the ultimate triumph of the Abolition cause 
Is certain. Let us see what considerations there are to confirm 
its truth. And 

1. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from 
the fact, that abolition principles are based upon the word of 
God. 

If this cause were of man's device, it might come to nought; 
but it rests upon the eternal principles of God's truth, and cannot 
be overthrown. The essential principles of abolitionism are gen- 
erally known. They hardly need be repeated. If, however, I 
were to sum them up in ^ew words, I would say that slavery is 
sin, a heinous violation of the law of God, and an outrageous in- 
fraction of the dictates of natural justice ; because it recognizes 
human beings as property, degrading them to the condition of 
cattle, robbing them of their just earnings, annihilating the law 



of marriage, disruptiiring those endearing relations of domestic 
and social life which God has established, introducing a state of 
universal concubinage, breaking up families, neutralizing the au- 
thority of the parent over the child, forcibly separating parents 
and children, husband and wife, exposing them to be sold to a 
returnless distance from each other, and finally, excluding them 
from the means of moral and intellectual improvement, dooming 
them to perpetual ignorance, thus cutting them off, legally and 
systematically cutting them off from the consolations of religion, 
and the hope of heaven ; that such being the features and fruits 
of slavery, it ought to be immediately abandoned. 

Such a system of oppression the Scriptures do not any where 
justify. We say it, and say it advisedly, that there is not an in- 
stance of involuntary servitude justified in the Scriptures, but as 
a punishment for sin. But to oppress men, to hold men in in- 
voluntary servitude, is every where condemned, is to violate ev- 
ery command contained in the second table of the law. 

Moreover, we believe, and the dictates of natural justice con- 
firm the sentiment, that men possess inalienable rights, such as 
"life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 

Who doubts that these principles are based upon the word 
of God and the law of Nature, and therefore must prevail ? In- 
deed few men question the correctness of our principles. It 
would seem as if none but a Nero or a McDuffie would venture 
to impeach principles so obviously true, reasonable and scriptural. 

Could I find the Bible, upon a fair interpretation, justifying 
and sanctioning slavery as it exists in these United States, with 
me, it would be a sufficient reason for its rejection. I could not 
admit that to be the word of God which justifies a system of op- 
pression so abhorrent to all our feelings of justice, of truth, and 
of righteousness. No, I would say, whatever else it may be, it 
cannot be the Book of God. 

My hearers, there are certain principles so intuitively true, 
that all attempts to prove them so, are like attempts to prove the 
light of the sun in a clear sky, at noon-day, and only involve 
them in obscurity and confusion. If you deny me the right to 
use my own bones and muscles for my own benefit, how am I to 



prove that right ? It is a moral axiom, than which nothing can 
be plainer. Argument would only darken counsel. 

But there is another thought connected with this subject 
which we may venture to suggest. If the proposition that men 
possess inalienable rights be denied, or as some affirm, be only a 
'•' rhetorical flourish," the consequence is inevitable, that you stul- 
tify the patriotic fathers of our country, and present those heroic 
worthies as toiling, bleeding, and dying for the attainment of a 
" rhetorical flourish." 

If it be not true that slavery is sin, a flagrant violation of jus- 
tice, then no principle in morality or religion is true. We are all 
afloat upon the broad ocean of scepticism ; and justice, and 
truth, and right, are names which have no meaning. 

But our principles are true, being based upon the word of 
God and the law of nature ; and the more they are examined 
and assailed, the more firm and immoveable will they prove, and 
must eventually prevail. 

2. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from 
the fact that the measures employed for its advancement are 
such as God has hitherto owned and blessed, and such as reform- 
ers in every age have used successfully. 

What are the measures of abolitionists ? Their measures 
then, allow me to remark, grow out of their principles, are the prac- 
tical operation of their principles. And their principles, so far 
as action on the subject is concerned, are peaceful, not offensive, 
not invasive, not belligerent. Their principles forbid them to 
wage war upon oppressors and to spill human blood in defence of 
freedom. Their principles forbid the " doing of evil that good 
may come," and lead them to reject, and to entreat the oppressed 
to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for their deliverance from 
bondage, and to rely solely upon those which are spiritual and 
mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds." 

The measures of abolitionists then, to use the expressive lan- 
guage of their declaration, " are the opposition of moral purity 
to moral corruption, the destruction of error by the potency of 
truth, the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love, and the 
abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance." In short they 



9 

propose to abolish slavery by a kind but efficient moral influence ; 
by exhibiting the truth in relation to this subject, and convincing 
all men that slavery is a crime most offensive to God and most 
destructive of human happiness ; and thus to effect a revolution 
in public sentiment which shall ensure the demolition of this 
dreadful system of oppression. 

They propose to reach the hearts of all Christians, by shew- 
ing them and convincing them that the God of justice and the 
God of the poor is angry with this nation every day and cannot 
long tolerate the wrongs endured by our oppressed, afflicted 
countrymen ; by convincing them that it is their duty, their solemn 
and imperious duty, to remember by prayer and by correspond- 
ing efforts in their behalf, " those in bonds as bound with them." 

They propose to persuade all ministers of the Gospel, of every 
denomination, to bring their talents and influence to the aid of 
this great enterprise, fearless of the reproaches of mercenary and 
ungodly men ; to convince them that they have no right to pass 
by this subject with indifference, no right by their inaction or op- 
position to countenance oppressors and to perpetuate the crying 
sin of this nation. 

They propose to persuade the whole church universal to 
bear a solemn and decided testimony against this abomination ; 
and to convince all men, citizens, patriots, philosophers, lovers 
of humanity and lovers of God, that our land is disgraced, our 
prosperity blighted, the councils of the nation disturbed, thwarted, 
confounded by slavery, that even slaveholders themselves would 
gain much by doing justice and letting the oppressed go free, and 
that the severest judgments of heaven are upon us, if we aban- 
don not this system of oppression. 

In fine, our measures are moral, spiritual. Our plan is per- 
suasion. Our arms are the principles and precepts of the Gos- 
pel — our munition, the God of Israel. 

Are not these the measures which God has hitherto owned 
and blessed ? Are not these the measures which reformers in 
every age have employed and employed successfully ? You would 
not have us resort to arms ; you could not persuade us to adopt 
forcible measures. We therefore exhort, entreat, beseech. It 
2 



10 

is our privilege, nay, more, it is our duty to endeavor to persuade 
men to abandon that which is wrong and to do that which is right. 
What objection have you then to these measures ? What objec- 
tion to them do you find in the word of God ? Nay, has not God 
commanded us to use these very measures, " to cry aloud and 
spare not — to shew the people their sins." 

But you say, perhaps, that abolitionists are severe, harsh, un- 
charitable, using hard names. Perhaps they have been so in 
some instances. I will not say that they have not. Indeed I 
think they have. But then, we are bound to consider how wan- 
tonly they have been provoked. The laws of the land have afford- 
ed them comparatively no protection. And professedly good 
men have countenanced and connived at the outrages which they 
have suffered. Our own brethren, in the hour of peril, have de- 
serted and betrayed us. 

And then too, may not much of this seeming severity and 
harshness be attributed to your want of adequate views of the 
enormity of slavery and the cowardice, treachery and guilt of 
those who apologize for it. If you had a proper sense of the 
crime and guilt of those who trample upon the rights and traffick 
in the blood of their fellow men, you might not think the epithets 
used by abolitionists so severe. 

We all remember the time when the advocates for temper- 
ance were accused of great harshness and severity, because they 
declared distillers and dealers in strong drink accessary to the 
crimes and responsible for the miseries which followed its use. 
But it was because men had no adequate sense of the enormity 
of the spirit trnde. It is not so now. The business of making 
and vending ardent spirits is regarded as the business of destroy- 
ing the souls and bodies of men ; and the distiller and retailer are 
viewed by sober men, as enemies to the State and to the best in- 
terests of society, no better than swindlers, mercenary, unprinci- 
pled men, living upon the very vitals of the community. 

I remember, some ten years since, I knew a Deacon who 
was wont to sell rum and distribute bibles. He was thought to 
be a very good man, and it would have seemed severe and harsh 
to have called him a coadjutor of Satan. But he was, and men 



11 

now see it, and understand it. And it is not thoughl uncharita- 
ble to call distillers and dealers in the poisonous beverage copart- 
ners with the devil in the trade of death. 

So, my hearers, some years hence, you may not think the 
epithets employed by abolitionists so severe and uncharitable, nor 
their measures so violent. We certainly disclaim every measure 
which is not kind and conciliatory. We have no fellowship with 
any thing which savours of malice, revenge or retaliation. But 
while we would be kind and conciliatory, we must be faithful and 
call things by their right names. This is our kindness, that we 
speak " the truth in love." We cannot separate sin from the 
sinner for the sake of sheltering bis conscience. We believe 
that slave-holders are designated in the Scriptures by the term, 
*'men-stealers," and we call them so. We believe that those 
who rob their fellow-men of their liberty, are robbers in the worst 
sense, and we say so. We believe that those who apologize for 
slavery and countenance the oppressor, partake of his guilt, and 
we say so. 

Now these plain, honest, straight-forward measures, we be- 
lieve God will own and bless. We believe he will make his truth 
effectual, to the subversion of this iniquitous system. God's truth 
was mighty in the hands of the Apostles ; it was mighty in the 
hands of the great Reformers ; and it will be no less so, we trust, 
when wielded by faithful men in these times. Let the subject 
be agitated and agitated, argument added to argument, and illus- 
trations multiplied upon illustrations, the whole field of discussion 
traversed again and again, and the strong points reiterated and 
urged, until the public mind and the public conscience shall be 
thoroughly enlightened and rectified, and the work of abolition is 
done. Nothing but light and love are wanting to abolitionize the 
whole North. And how long think you, before " the South would 
give up, if the North kept not back ?" What candid mind will 
object to these measures ? 

3. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause 
from the admitted fact, that the American churches are to exert 
an important instrumentality in the conversion of the world. 

No one contemplating intelligently the state of the world, and 



12 

the signs of the times, can doubt, that the favored churches of 
America are to bear a very signal part in the work of introducing 
the miHenniuni. But this tliey cannot do while they countenance, 
and cherish, and uphold this most unrighteous system of heathen- 
ism. God will not bless their instrumentality ; God will not crown 
their efforts with final success ; God will not permit a slave-holding 
church to convert the world. It is arrant mockery, it is sheer 
hypocrisy for the Christians of America to talk of converting the 
world, while they supinely allow two millions of their own country- 
men to remain in legalized heathenism. 

The Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, in their annual 
report on the state of religion in 1834, say, that the colored pop- 
ulation of the South are the heathen of America, and in point of 
ignorance and moral degradation, will bear comparison with the 
heathen in any other country on the face of the globe. 

We rejoice that this fact has come out, that it has come from 
such good and unquestionable authority. Let this fact ring 
through our churches, — it ought to ring through our churches, 
until the cheek of every professing Christian is mantled with 
shame, who will not come to the work of delivering these 
our captive and heathenized countrymen. O, talk no more 
of your commiseration for the Hindoo, and Hottentot, and 
Soutli Sea Islander. Your charities for men on the other side 
of the globe will hardly be regarded a pure offering in the 
sight of God, while you neglect your poor brother who stands 
pleading at your door. " He cannot away" with such charities ; 
they are an offence unto Him, while with Priest and Levite in- 
difference and hardheartedness, you turn away from him whom 
your own avarice has helped to bind, and rob, and heathenize. 
Such charities savor too much of deceit, and insincerity, and gross 
inconsistency to be accounted pure philanthropy, and heavenly 
benevolence. Your religion is a partial, one-sided religion. It 
freely distributes bibles to white men, but has no bibles for 
colored men. It sends the word of life to white men all 
over the world, but there are hundreds, and thousands, and tens 
of thousands of colored men in this Christian land who live, and 
labor, and die, and never hear of the plan of salvation by Jesus 



13 

Christ. But is God the God of the white man, and is he not 
also the God of the colored man ? 

I say your religion is a partial, one-sided, person-respecting 
religion, and so it will shortly be viewed by the heathen abroad, 
and thus the instrumentality of the American churches will even- 
tually be neutralized. Christ will say to them in tones of rebuke, 
as he is indeed now saying to them : " These things ye ought to 
have done and not to leave the other undone." 

This abomination, my hearers, must be removed out of the way, 
or the chariot wheels of the gospel can never roll on to the conver- 
sion of the world. O, I wish I could make you sensible, that your 
heart is not right with God, whatever you may profess, while you 
have no proper sympathy for your poor brother who is shut out from 
all the charities of life. You need not think that your offerings 
are worth any thing, nor console yourself with the notion that 
you are doing very well. Though your contributions for other 
objects be ever so abundant, if you do not remember your 
brother in bonds, God knows that you are not doing well ; 
and there is a palpable discrepancy in your character and con- 
duct. You are charitable toward objects abroad ; w^hy are you 
not charitable toward objects at home ? Is it because it would 
cost you the sacrifice of interest, and of reputation ? Is it be- 
cause you would be reproached as belonging to a miserable set of 
fanatics? Remember, that "he that is guilty of the least, is 
guilty of the whole," for the least deliberate transgression is a 
test of moral character. 

Now the question is, my hearers, will your charity go through 
all the prejudice which hedges up your way, and all the reproach, 
and persecution which you may suffer, and reach the poor slave 
through the uncomely and repulsive covering in which he is in- 
vested, and there labor to break his chains, to unfetter his spirit, 
to allay his anguish, to improve and elevate his character, and 
make him happy ? This is the touch-stone. This is the test act. 
If your charity will not do this, it may justly be pronounced de- 
fective, utterly defective. 

We say again, the American churches cannot labor advan- 
tageously for the conversion of the world, while they continue to 



14 

participate in this abomination of tiiis land, and until indeed it 
be rolled out of the way. It imposes a load of guilt upon them, 
which must essentially enibarrass their operations. Slavery must 
hang as a mill-stone about their necks, to sink them to the lowest 
state of apostasy and ruin. Their hands will wax weak and 
their hearts faint, and they will labor under all the disadvantage 
of conscious inconsistency and hypocrisy. 

But the American churches, we believe, are to exert a prom- 
inent instrumentality in the conversion of the world. We feel 
assured therefore, that they will ere long wash their hands of 
this iniquity, and that deliverance will consequently come to the 
long neglected captives of America ; for it is the churches who 
uphold slavery in this land. Let the churches, let the good 
men of our country, the seventeen thousand ministers of the gos- 
pel, and the one million of Christians, cease to give their coun- 
tenance and influence to sustain slavery ; let them bear a faithful 
testimony against it, and this horrid system would soon be abol- 
ished. 

4. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from 
the character of the men who are engaged in it. 

There are always, indeed, exceptions. We speak likewise 
only of their general character. We mean merely to say, that 
they are men who will not go back. Their course is onwaVd. 
They have enlisted during the war. Their principles have taken 
deep root in their hearts. They have set down and counted the 
cost. They expect a severe and perhaps a protracted struggle ; 
but they have made up their minds never to give up the ship, 
sink or swim, live or die. Hence you may mark it well, that 
neither reproach, nor revilings, nor the sacrifice of property, nor 
the loss of reputation, nor the violence of mobs, have been able 
to drive them, neither from their principles, nor from their position. 

There was indeed, one abolitionist down East somewhere, 
(we know nothing of the character of the man,) who travelled in 
Virginia, and who, either overcome by the hospitality which he 
received, or awed by the threats which he heard, published a 
kind of recantation of his sentiments. 

We have heard of some few others, supposed to be abolition- 



15 

ists, one of whom built a vessel and sent it to the Southern States, 
and it was said that his abolitionism floated off in that vessel. 
Now the interpretation in such instances of defection, are found 
in the following language addressed to an abolitionist by an indi- 
vidual who said, (and doubtless with him it was a great argument) 
" Sir, if you continue to agitate that subject, they will not freight 
our ships, they will not send us cotton." As if the freighting of 
ships, and the sending of cotton, were paramount to the claims of 
justice, and truth, and righteousness. Alas ! how has interest, 
sordid interest eaten out of the hearts of such men every princi- 
ple of rectitude, every humane sentiment. You see, my hearers, 
that it is not difficult to divine how these things come to pass. 

In general, however, they are men steadfast in their princi- 
ples, who do not tritn to the popular breeze. Let the wind blow 
high or blow low, you know where to find them, steadfasdy adher- 
ing to their principles. Their principles they will not give up, be 
the consequences what they may. They are not expediency 
men, sacrificing principle to accommodation, and thus neutralizing 
every command of God, and every dictate of justice. 

In short, in one point of view especially, in their steadfast 
integrity of character, they resemble the patriots of the revolu- 
tion, and the Pilgrim Fathers of our own New-England. It was 
principle for which those former worthies stood. It was not the 
pecuniary consideration connected with the tea tax, but the prin- 
ciple involved, which roused them. They said, give us princi- 
ple, — give us principle, — give us principle. We care not for the 
threepenny assessment, but we will not be taxed without our con- 
sent ; we will not be taxed without representation. 

So abolitionists hold it " to be self-evident, that all men are 
created equal, possessing certain inalienable rights, as life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness ;" " that we ought to do unto others 
as we would that others should do unto us," that no man has a 
right to hold his fellow-man as property, and that he who does it, 
ought to cease from doing it, immediately. 

These are our principles. These principles we cannot aban- 
don. No power on earth can cause us to abandon them. " Nei- 
ther death, nor hfe, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor 



16 

things present, nor things to come, nor height nor depth, nor any 
other creature shall be able to separate us from them." 

Now we aver, that these principles will carry the abolition 
cause onward to success. And while we are aware that nothing 
but principle will do it, we are equally aware that principle will 
do it. Yes, my hearers, principle, christian principle will do it. 
Men cherishing steadfastly these christian principles which we 
have named are not easily put to flight. " They may be per- 
plexed, but never will they despair," may be defeated, but never 
conquered. 

Indeed, my hearers, in this cause we do not want time-serv- 
ing weathercock adherents. We do not want men who will shift 
their ground for the sake of popular favor. We do not want men 
who are afraid to act lest it should prejudice their interest. In 
short, we do not want men who would sell their principles for a 
piece of bread. We have no use for such men. Our cause is 
to be carried by men who will hazard all for principle, and whose 
spirits are indomitable. No others are worthy to be the defen- 
ders of the sacred birthright of liberty. 

5. Again, we argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause 
from the reckless spirit and measures of its opponents. 

Of course, we do not mean moderate men whose minds are 
yet balancing on this subject ; but we mean those ultra anti-abo- 
litionists, those pro-slavery men who are trampling in the dust the 
dearest rights of American citizens in their puny and unavailing 
attempts to arrest the progress of free discussion and free prin- 
ciples. Their spirit and measures have been wanton, reckless, 
fanatical. Misrepresentation and violence have been the weapons 
of their warfare. When misrepresentation would not answer 
they have gathered and instigated the mob. 

It is lamentable to think, how egregiously the public mind 
has been abused in regard to abolitionists, their principles and 
measures, their objects and means of accomplishing them. No 
class of men were ever more vilely slandered, none more unjust- 
ly exposed to violence. Unprincipled politicians, crouching edi- 
tors, and consequential demagogues have shamefully blinded the 
mass of the community in regard to the merits of this whole sub- 



17 

ject. But for their misrepresentations and falsehoods, with hon- 
est men and Christians there would probably have been but one 
opinion in regard to the abolition of slavery in these United States. 

Must not that be a despicable cause which has recourse to 
such unjust and dishonorable modes of warfare ? Wretched in- 
deed must be the enterprize of those who resort to misrepresen- 
tation and violence, whose principal weapons are not arguments, 
but falsehood and brute force. It does not require the spirit of 
prophecy to perceive that opposition which depends on such base 
measures must be without foundation in truth and righteousness, 
and of course unavailing. 

And then too, observe the recklessness of their proceedings. 
They have trodden the laws of the land under foot for the purpose 
of wreaking their malice upon citizens who had violated no law, 
but whose plain dealing with slavery they could not endure. Trial 
by jury in many instances they have abolished, and like Robes- 
pierre, Marat, Danton and other French Revolutionists of bloody 
memory, assumed the prerogative of administering justice in their 
own summary way. ks a consequence, unoffending citizens, 
not a iew, have been abused, condemned, scourged, and in some 
instances hung up at noon-day. Even men of God in the prose- 
cution of their'^appropriate work of expounding and applying His 
word, have been arrested and rudely dragged before magistrates, 
not unhke the Man of Nazareth before Pilate. 

A Zaif^Zess judge, in the plenitude of his wisdom, or rather fol- 
ly and fanaticism, gravely decides, that if" the many" undertake 
in a given instance, lawlessly' to plunder and rob and burn men 
alive, they are to be tolerated. And a Rev. judge sits the pre- 
siding genius, the master spirit of an organized mob to destroy the 
property and abuse the person of a man of the most peaceful spi- 
rit and of unimpeachable character, and whose only offence was, 
that he dared to assert his constitutional right to liberty of speech 
and of the press.* 

* In illustration of what the author has said above, look at the reck- 
less conduct of the aristocracy of Cincinnati, at a recent nioli-meeting 
held in that city to crush James Birney. Resolutions were |)assed of 
the most incendiary character, and a committee were api)oiuii.'d, not to 
3 



18 

A chief magistrate of one of the States pronounces slavery 
a blessing, the corner stone of liberty, and craves the wretched 
inheritance for his children ; and lest his sincerity should be sus- 
pected in making an assertion so preposterous and perverse, con- 
firms it with a solemn asseveration. Yes, my hearers, Southern 
statesmen have suggested, that the slave system should be intro- 
duced at the North npd our laboring men and women be reduced 
to bondage ; that our prosperity will not be complete, nor the 
state of society perfect until we adopt the slave policy. Let the 
descendants of the pilgrims, let our laboring men, our mechanics, 
the operatives in our factories, the free yeomanry of New England 
think of that, and ponder it in their hearts. 

A prominent editor proclaims the Declaration of Indepen- 

discuss the subject of difference fairly witli Mr. Birney, but to ask him, 
if he would consent to be muzzled, and if he would not, why, they 
would not harm him, and should be sorry, if he was harmed, hut in the 
mean time, they would "cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of violence." 
What base cowardice and treachery to the cause of lilierty ! ! Why did 
they not go and expostidate with the men of violeuce, the real movers 
of sedition ? Tiiey knew who were the wire-pullers ; perhaps them- 
selves among the number. Indeed there can be litde doubt from all 
the circumstances of the affair, that Jacob Burnet, Josiah Lawrence, 
Oliver M. Spencer and others of the committee who acted, and William 
Burke, and even the Mayor, were, all the while, secretly conniving at 
the intended outrage ; else why did they not refuse to act in behalf of 
that lawless assend)lage, and decidedly protest against their violent pro- 
ceedings, instead of becoming their executors to do a business from 
which every honorable and law-abiding man would instinctively shrink. 
No doubt, these men have acquired a notoriety not unlike that of the 
wretch who burned the temple of Diana, infamous. To be recognized 
by posterity as a tory of the Revolution will be honorable, compared 
with the infamy of him who shall be known to have taken part in re- 
ducingan upright and law-abiding man to the alternative of choosing be- 
ivveeu the surrender of constitutional freedom on the one hand and 
mob-violence on the other. 

Whatever complacency these men may now feel in the popularity 
of their proceedings, if God don't forget them in the day of retribution, 
they will find it no light matter to answer for the countenance which 
they have thus given to riotous and bloody men. Only to neglect to pro- 
tect Mr. Birney in his constitutional right was enough, under those cir- 
cumstances, to establish their guilt. They ought to have hazarded much 
to defend him. That would have been as chivalrous and praiseworthy 
as what they did do was cowardly and base. 

Edit. 



19 

dence, as to its fundamental principle, a rhetorical flourish, and 
scores of men may be found even in New England who from con- 
siderations of a miserable time-serving policy, attempt to justify 
this horrid system of oppression and robbery. And sons, aye, 
how shall I utter it, sons, degenerate sons of the very fathers who 
toiled and bled in defence of freedom, are now seen shamelessly 
joining hands with the oppressor. O, was there ever such treach- 
ery to the cause of liberty, such an abandonment of human rights, 
such fearful infatuation. 

My hearers, it is not difficult to perceive on which side of this 
contest the devil has taken his stand. Nor is it difficult to per- 
ceive who are they that must be vanquished ; for whom God de- 
signs to destroy, he infatuates. 

They say, that we are fanatical and infatuated, but if any 
thing was wanting to show that the fanaticism and infatuation are 
on the other side, it would be this wicked, reckless determination 
•to close their eyes and hearts upon this subject. They refuse to 
to read, they refuse to hear. They have waged a war of exter- 
mination upon every press in the land which dares to publish the 
truth on the subject of slavery. What more certain characteris- 
tic of infatuation ? 

And it is mortifying to be compelled to say, that otherwise de- 
cent, respectable, and apparently benevolent men seem to have 
strangely hardened their hearts on this subject. They are unwil- 
ling to come to the light lest they should find themselves reprov- 
ed, lest they should be constrained to sympathize with the oppress- 
ed. They will not open their eyes lest the light of truth should 
flash conviction upon their hearts. They do not wish to hear any 
thing on this subject, lest they should be converted. 

How appropriately are such men described by the Saviour. 
" He that doeth evil hateth the light, neither cometh to light, lest 
his deeds should be reproved." And by the prophet when he 
says, " their eyes have they closed ; lest at any time they should 
see with their eyes and hear with their ears and understand with 
their hearts and be converted." Against those who thus closed 
their eyes and ears, our Saviour uttered the most fearful denun- 
ciations. The crime is the same in every age. If this be not in- 
fatuation, we know not what is infatuation. 



20 

C. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from 
the spirit of the age and the progress of free principles in other 
countries. 

The spirit of the age is against slavery. The spirit of im- 
provement is against slavery. The spirit of benevolent enter- 
prise is against slavery. The spirit of literature is against sla- 
very. It is disreputable every where. American slave-holders 
are fast becoming the gazing stock of the civilized world. The 
whole amount of British literature will soon be brought to bear 
down upon /American despotisin. O'Connel's voice ivHl be heard ; 
and Thompson's voice too will be heard. And we may calcu- 
late upon all that is praiseworthy in the spirit of missions, all that 
is truly philanthropic in the benevolence of the age, for that will 
soon come to our aid. 

And then too, look at the progress of free principles in other 
countries. England is free. The British West India Islands are 
free. France is moving on the subject of slavery, and will soon' 
abolish it in her colonies. South America is free with one excep- 
tion, and even there overtures are making for the entire abolition of 
slavery. Mexico is free and contending against the Texians, who, 
countenanced and encouraged by American slave-holders and 
their abettors are treacherously attempting to reestablish the slave 
code. Will slavery, think you, endure against all these influences? 
No, my hearers, slavery must be abolished. The spirit of 
the age has decreed its destruction. The spirit of benevolent 
enterprise has decreed its destruction. The spirit of the civilized 
world has decreed its destruction. The spirit of Christianity has 
decreed its destruction. God has decreed its destruction. 

7. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from 
the fact that the subject is fairly up. 

The spirit of liberty is abroad, and there is no power in the 
land that can arrest it. Neither Southern despotism, nor North- 
ern aristocracy, nor the policy of grave and calculating Professors 
who taik wisely against fanaticism, nor the false prudence of pan- 
ic-struck clergynien who combine to keep the key of knowledge 
from the people and to shut out the claims of the poor and needy, 
shall be able to put down the rising spirit of liberty. The subject 
is fairly before the American people and they cannot suppress it 



21 

without bringing ten-lbld infamy upon the American name, and 
the most fearful judgments of heaven upon this guilty land. 

The subject is before the American churches. If it had not 
come up in the providence of God, and light in every direction 
been poured upon it with almost unutterable brightness, flashing 
conviction upon all hearts, they had been comparatively innocent 
in refusing to act. But now they cannot put it by without action. 
If they do, they must answer it to God. If they do, God will curse 
their prosperity. If tliey do shut up their bowels of compassion 
toward tlie outcast captives of this land and refuse to listen 
to their tale of woe, '* how dwelleth the love of God in them ?" 
In so doing, they incur the signal displeasure and the righteous 
retribution of heaven ; " for he that stoppeth his ears at the cry 
of the poor and needy shall himself cry and not be heard." Let 
the churches of these United States refuse to remember these 
Christ's poor, physically, mentally and morally incarcerated ; let 
them apologize for this system of oppression and robbery ; let 
them refuse to bear testimony against this enormity ; if they dare 
do so, God will blast them with mildew and pining and death. 

8. Finally, we argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition 
cause from its past success. 

Who would have thought that a cause which has had to con- 
tend with prejudice, interest, civil authority and popular fury, 
would have gathered around it, in so short a time, such an amount 
of character, talent, and moral influence.'' No enterprise ever 
brought before the American people was more unpopular. It has 
gathered opposition from all quarters both civil and ecclesiastical. 

The Roman powers hardly made greater efforts to crush the 
infant cause of Christ, than have the civil authorities of this land 
to annihilate abolitionism. And surely, the Jewish sanhedrim 
scarcely played a more wily game, nor pursued a more time-serv- 
ing policy to arrest the heresy of the Son of Joseph, than have 
some ecclesiastical bodies, in this country, to stifle in christian 
hearts, the rising spirit of sympathy for the oppressed. And yet, 
this cause has steadily advanced, waxing stronger and stronger, 
and perpetually gathering new accessions of numbers and strength, 
of character, talent, and moral influence. 



22 

It gives us pleasure, when we survey the ground, to observe 
so many strong men becoming the decided advocates for the op- 
pressed. In my own Granite State, and in this the Old Bay 
State which so forcibly reminds us of other times which tried men's 
souls, we see a host of the most venerable servants of God com- 
ing up to this work of delivering the long neglected captives of 
America. And even old Connecticut, memorable for her blue 
laws and signally shameful for her black act, we trust will not be 
far behind. Even there, are visible the glorious first fruits of a 
future harvest to this cause. 

Allow me to state a fact. During the six months following 
the breaking open of the mail in Charleston, S. C, we have 
been told, there were calls upon the Executive committee at New 
York, for ten thousand additional publications. Indeed the 
whole population of the land is beginning to read and hear, to be 
moved and roused on the subject of slavery. Societies are mul- 
tiplying, and acquiring respect and influence. In some places 
where there was great opposition, there has been a signal and 
successful reaction in favor of human rights. Look at Utica and 
Rochester for examples. 

The discussions in Congress during the past year, have ren- 
dered incalculable service to this enterprise. Many of the mem- 
bers, no doubt, meant it unto evil, but God meant it unto good. 
These discussions like the first preachers of the Gospel, went 
every where, telling much truth, exposing the abominations of 
slavery, and disclosing the deep and damning corruptions that are 
cherished at the very head and heart of this nation. 

In short, time would fail me to tell of all our prosperity, as 
well as of our adversity, our trials, our persecutions. Nay, 
I mean not so, we have no adversity, no trials. We count it all 
joy, when we suffer for Christ's oppressed poor. We regard it 
as an occasion of gratitude to God, when we are recognized as 
worthy to endure reproach and trial for so good a cause. 

I will only say, that our past success gives us assurance of 
ultimate triumph. And we have little doubt, but more funds 
might now be raised for this, than for most other benevolent en- 
terprizes before the christian public. 



23 

REMARKS. 

1. How palpable is the inconsistency of llicse who say, we 
admit your principles, but we don't like your measures. 

Our measures are but the practical operation of our princi- 
ples; just the influence of our faith going out into practice. Our 
measures are the measures of prophets, of apostles, of Jesus 
Christ. Our method is persuasion. Our armour is truth. So 
it was theirs. We use no harder terms than did they. We 
have their example for our sanction. 

2. We remark, that every peace man, to be consistent, should 
be an abolitionist. 

We must cease our oppression, and do justice before we can 
expect peace. Peace and robbery cannot co-exist. With what 
face can you, can I, talk of peace, or expect peace, while I have 
my brother by the throat. There is a manifest inconsistency, a 
palpable discrepancy in such a character. 

3. We must patiently bear with the unbelief, the slowness, 
the hardheartedness of those our brethren and friends who come 
not to our aid, who are unwilling to lend their influence to this 
cause. 

It is indeed the most grievous part of our trials, and our 
hearts are pained when we think of it. While we know and feel 
that we are engaged in an enterprise of which God approves, 
having all the powers of the world and of the devil against us, that 
they should not only leave us to contend alone, but throw out 
their objections, and endeavor to obstruct the wheels of this be- 
nevolent enterprise, is indeed grievous to be borne. But have 
patience, brethren, have patience, and it shall all be well in the 
issue. It will indeed be thought strange in a few years, that any 
man who professed to love his God, or his country, should have 
refused his heart or his hand to this good work. 

4. How greatly do they err, who think that abolitionists are 
to be put down by threats and violence. 

It seems indeed strange, that amidst an enlightened and pro- 
fessedly christian community, resort should ever have been 
had to such vile and detestable measures. Indeed the rab- 
ble never would have attempted violence upon us, nor thought 



24 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 899 717 7 



of such a thing, had they not been instigated and led on by mer- 
cenary men, and base politicians, and time-serving, truckling 
christian editors, who have chimed in with them. 

But all such villainous attempts have only worked for the ad- 
vancement of this enterprise. God has caused, and will cause 
the wrath of men to praise Him. 

5. Let the friends of this cause be firm, and persevering. 
Let there be no flinching. Though we have the fullest assurance 
of final success, yet beloved hearers, great and increasing efforts 
are to be made — a desperate struggle may yet be witnessed. 
The church is to be sifted, and our land may be the theatre of 
mortal strife, of scenes, the recital of which shall " make the ears 
of him that heareth it to tingle," of tragic scenes which shall make 
your hearts faint, and your hands weak ; for as a nation, we are 
so deeply involved in guilt, that we can hardly believe that God 
will allow us to escape without his severest judgments. But He 
who " rides upon the wings of the wind, and maketh the storm a 
calm" shall be the strength of your hearts, and your unfailing 
Helper. " And the South shall finally give up, and the North 
keep not back, and our friends shall come from afar," and all 
unite in delivering this oppressed people, and this guilty land. 

In the mean time, let us bear in mind, that abolitionists are 
the only true friends of the South, and of the free institutions of 
our country, and that if they succeed not, our nation is ruined, 
our country is gone, lost, inevitably, and irretrievably lost. 

Stand fast, then, in your integrity. Come life, or come death, 
hold fast your principles. Your principles are the principles of 
truth. Hold fast your cause ; your cause is the cause of God. 
May the blessing of the Almighty, and the blessing of him who is 
ready to perish, come upon you. And let every individual be- 
fore me, if he would be a friend of the poor and needy, and pro- 
perly remember those in bonds, if he would be a friend to his 
country, or to his God, come to your aid, join your society, and 
identify himself with this glorious enterprise. That this cause of 
humanity and of God may soon be triumphant, is the earnest 
prayer of him who is permitted to address you on this occasion. 
Amen. 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 

llllllllllllllllllllllllllll!lllllllllllll 






011 899 717 7 



